Muslims Under Progress...

progress: n.
a. movement, as toward a goal; advance.
b. development or growth.
c. steady improvement, as of a society or civilization.
progress: intr.v.
pro·gressed, pro·gress·ing,
pro·gress·es
a. to advance toward a higher or better stage.










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Monday, December 30, 2002

 

A short history of Muslim Philosophy (I)

Part I: Introduction
The history of Muslim Philosophy is surely one too voluminous to cover in a series of blogs. Many books have already been written on this subject, though few have covered the entire history, from the beginnigs in the deserts of Arabia, to modern times, as Muslims learn to adjust their faith in the new world. The ones that have are notable exceptions, and I shall as always, produce a list of reading material at the end of this series. This series is just a small and humble attempt by myself.

Any history of philosophy will ultimately be presented with a tint of the philosophy of the author. I shall endeavour to try and stay free from this, but I am only human. So no doubt some of you may find me unjustly criticising what you believe to be correct. If that is the case, do not hesistate to email me.

This series, I hope, will be a history of Muslim philosophical thought, of all colours and variaties, rather than a critique (though I will point out criticisms which were made by other thinkers/philosophers). So it will, therefore, require a study of history itself, and not just Muslim history. Any idea, thought, philosophy etc. is not produced in a vaccuum. Muslim philosophical thought was developed under both internal pressures, be it from the right-wing of the orthodoxy to internal poltical strife, and external pressures, from the seeping of Hellenism into Muslim thought, to the Mongol hoardes who ravaged parts of the Muslim empire. Neglecting these visible aspects of history usually leads to a blinkered understanding of the development of thought.

Philosophy has classically been understood as the use of reason to understand the world around us. It has gone from being the highest of the "sciences", to becoming the basis for all spheres of human activity. We all have a "philosophy", regardless of whether or not we really engage in scholarly philosophical debates. Our "philosophical" attitude underpins how we interact with the world.

Since Muslim philosophy formed its basis in religion, and religion is associated with living, then Muslim philosophical thought developed in close relation to other spheres of thought: theology, sciences, humanities and the arts. Many Muslim philosophers were intersted in medicine, the arts, literature, linguistics, jurisprudence, sciences and humanities, and displayed this interest by writing large works. A study of these too will evidently be required. Nonetheless, Muslims were no different to other cultures. There were Muslim rationalists, who believed the mind could understand everything; there were those who vehenemtly opposed any form of rationality and upheld a literal understanding of the Islamic sources (primarily the Qur'an and the Ahadeeth literature); and those one might refer to as the "middle-roaders" who tried to find a path between rationalism and dogmatism. There were those who rejected religion all together, but kept a belief in God as the source of all things. Of course these kind of thinkers exist today. Muslim philosophy also came under strong influence from mysticsm. The Sufic theosophies have played an important part in the development of Muslim thought through the ages. I hope too not to neglect the development of Shi'ite philosophy, which also a a unique and rich history. In fact, unlike their Sunni brethren, Shi'ites have had a relatively free-reign in philosophy, until modern times.

Though Muslim philosophy has a rich history, and deserves a unique place in history [1], many people have bemoaned the stagnation of Muslim thought in modern times. As with all cultures and groups, Muslims have inevitabely gone under a decline. But there has been a rennaisance, albeit a slow one, in Muslim thought. And this rennaisance is not confined to just those we might regard as "modernists", "humanists" or "scientific materialists". "Islamist" [2] thinkers too have undergone a rennaisance, and have in fact some of them have been at the forefront of trying to relieve the Muslim nations from colonialism and what they perceive as the invasion of an alien culture.

Notes
[1] Muslim philosophy, though came under strong influence from Neoplatonism and Neoaristotlianism, was not just an outright copy of Greek thought as held by some. It deserves unique recognition, if only, for being able to synthesise a strongly Semitic faith, with its emphasis on righteous action, with the abstract mental gynamstics of the Greeks.

[2] One must not be alarmed at my use of the word "Islamist". Though in the popular new media it has come to mean people like bin Laden, it has a much more correct scholastic meaning. In modern times it is meant to refer to any thinker who sees a revival of Islam as a basis for the revival of all Muslims. An example is Rachid Gannouchi, the Tunisian poltical thinker.


:: this was posted by thabet at 13:50

Thursday, December 12, 2002

 

Update (sort of)

As you may have noticed, I have added a few new links and edited the blogs a little. As you may also have noticed, I haven't blogged for a while. This is because I am busy at work right now. I have a proposal to write up for next week, so I am not sure when exactly I will blog before then. I do, however, have some blogs in the pipeline (literally in my case, since I am a pipeline engineer).

First of all, I plan on starting a new series on the history of Islamic philosophy. This seems like a duanting project, but I will take it slowly and a little piece at a time.


:: this was posted by thabet at 22:29

Sunday, December 08, 2002

 

Towards developing a hermeneutical model of the Qur’an (IV)

Part IV: Other examples
So far I have, rather briefly, described the hermeneutic drawn out by Farahi, Ishlahi and Ghamidi, three scholars in direct scholarly lineage. This school of hermeneutics differs from the traditional interpretations in two major respects:

i. The Qur’an is treated as a whole, which has a definite structure.

ii. The distinction between the time periods a Messenger is among his people, and when he is not. The former being when the Truth of God manifests itself to the extent that the witnesses to the unveiling have no excuse to reject.

Though I have concentrated on this school of thought, it is by no means the only attempt at re-understanding the Qur’an. For the last part in this series, I will concentrate very briefly on two such attempts. In a real sense these are not attempts at drawing out a definite hermeneutic or a metaphysic based on the Qur’an, like the one I have described in parts I, II and III of this series. The work I will describe here will be more of attempts to try and channel the direction of Islamic thought and education into a forming a definite unified Qur’anic weltanschauung.

I will describe, very briefly [1], Fazlur Rahman and Amina Wadud. Both are contemporary academics, though the former passed away sometime ago. Both have proposed a possible directions Muslim scholarship can take in redefining the ailing Islamic education system.

Fazlur Rahman is best known for his book Islam. He was also the author of Islam & Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition, and Islamic Methodology in History. It must be remembered that Rahman wrote his first major work some forty years ago, and what strikes me most is that much of what he said then is true today. He was also professor of Islamic Thought at the University of Chicago and passed away in 1988.

Rahman suggests first and foremost of not abandoning Islamic tradition, especially the large and voluminous works of Classical Islam (of which he is very critical but at the same shows a deep respect), but of trying to look at them from the outside. This he says must be done by differentiating between “normative Islam” – described by the Qur’an and the Prophet (p) – and of “historical Islam”, that described by the years of Islamic scholarship after the Prophet (p), which was affected by outside influences.

He too criticises the ignorance of the unity the Qur’an offers and blames this on the “atomistic” approach of the early Muslim orthodox theologians. In his mind the Qur’an offers moral activism – a definite sense of moral clarity which the Prophet (p) himself partook in, and which was seen through by his followers. Socioeconomic justice, together with practical morality and strong piety built around the belief in the One God, are what Rahman sees as the central foundations of Islam.

Keeping the above in mind, Rahman suggests that Muslims today must identify the “extrahistorical values” which are imbibed in the Qur’anic injunctions and the Sunnah of the Prophet (p). The Qur’an, according to Rahman, was the Divine response in the mind of the man Muhammad (p) to the sociomoral situation he found himself in. In its practical injunctions, therefore, must lie some reasoning which Muslims ought to be able to derive. Simply abandoning the tradition, especially the large corpus of hadeeth, biographies of the Prophet (p), commentaries of the Qur’an, and historical works, and especially the ‘situations of revelation’, is not a solution for him. This will create a vacuum in which the Qur’an will not be understood, and its true meaning distorted.

He proposes a “double movement”, from the position which the contemporary Muslims find themselves in, to the time the Prophet (p) found himself in and his response, then back again to modern times to determine the reponse of Muslims today. These are described as below:

1. The first movement involves two steps:
i. Understanding the general background conditions at the time of revelation, not just specific local problems but also the macrosituation. This ought to lead to the second step.
ii. Generalising the answers given by the Divine response, by “distilling” the sociomoral objectives. Basically, answering the questions: What was intended? And how was this achieved?

2. The second movement involves taking these general moral objectives and realising them in the here and now.

This he says must always be done be keeping the Qur’an as a whole. He gives the first task to the historian, and the second to social scientist or “ethical engineer”, who has a deep understanding of the social circumstances of the here and now.

He also remarks that there seems to have been a lack of systemised attempt to enunciate the ‘situations of revelation’ in order to garner a better understanding of the Qur’anic weltanschauung. Furthermore he advocates an Islamising of both the physical sciences and the social sciences. The latter, as even he notices, come under heavy pressure from more traditional cousins, the biologists, so it is a chance for Muslims to make them their own. [2]

He also advocates very strongly the freeing up of the Muslim mind by allowing philosophy a free reign. He notes that most Muslim philosophers, though they formed a unified metaphysic and cosmology, did so under the influence of Hellenism and imposed these ideas on the Qur'an. This is not to say no great achievements were made; quite the opposite. What he says is Muslims must create a metaphysic which is from the Qur’an first and foremost, i.e. one which is devoid of the strong Neoplatnism exhibited by most Muslim philosophers. In this respect he criticises the orthodox `Ulema for scaring Muslims off philosophy, which he says was a reaction to the unorthodox ideas of emanationsism and eternal matter. Any society must be freed up in philosophy, otherwise stagnation sets in. In theology he is unrelenting on his attack on Ash’arism which he blames for helping to crush the will of man, thus creating moral ambivalence among the Muslim masses.

What Rahman advocates is rational morality based on the Qur’an, first and foremost. To him the Qur’an is a divine text, but one which is meant to be understood by humans, else what was the point of revelation? It is easy to see the links he proposes, with his emphasis on the Moral Law, with that of the great German Immanuel Kant.

Professor Amina Wadud is professor of Islamic Studies at Virginia Commonwealth University. She is most know for her book Qur’an and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective. She is also the author of many papers and has written much literature on the subject of women in Islam and Islamic law.

Wadud constructs a model which ay used as a starting block for constructing a viable hermeneutic. She points out that the following points should be considered before interpretating the Qur’an:

1. The Qur'anic weltanschauung and its overriding principles of justice, equality, freedom of belief, tolerance etc., Allah's unalterable Laws (Sunnat-e-Allah).

2. The sociomoral context of the Qur’anic revelations and the ‘reasons for revelation’ of particular verses within this overall social picture. This should tell Muslims of the nature (general or particular) of the verses.

3. Thematic approach to interpreting the Qur'anic verses (a similar attempt to that developed by Farahi). This means considering all the verses on that particular subject/topic. This removes the kind of schizophrenic approach, where page after page of explanations on abrogation of particular verses have been written, to explain away apparent contradictions between verses.

4. Determining who the Qur'an addresses in its directives.

5. Taking account of the use of the Arabic language as at the time of the Prophet (p). The Qur’an is meant to be understood by human beings, so studying the linguistic structures and general cultural idioms of 7th century Arabia will yield a truer meaning. This comes into its own when one considers the gender specific content of the Arabic language.

The points are meant to be hierarchical in nature, so all points must comply with the higher principles (e.g. 5 must comply with 1-4, 4 must comply with 1-3 and so on).

It must be noted that these points, and the entire series, is my understading of not only the work presented (that of Farahi, Islahi, Rahman et al.), so I will not be surprised to find disagreement with any reader. Nor will it surprise me to find some Muslims disproving of the works themselves. This is the very nature of the world we live in, and there will always be disagreements. Nonetheless, disagreement, not matter how strong, was never a cause for hatred. I feel these attmpets at revitalising a glorious intellectual tradition, which has sadly been lost or is dying, are the best representation of Islam. So may God guide me to something better, if indeed I am wrong.

Notes
[1] I feel it is the nature of blogs to outline the point as briefly as possible, and let the reader take up the reading material. Cramming too much in can take away from the very nature of blogs; either that, one one needs to break them up. This is not a criticism I am free from: some of my blogs can be very longwinded! Sorry!

[2] This is something which has continued unabated till today, where evolutionary psychology attempts to explain everything in terms of our biological make up. It must also be pointed out that by “Islamising” the sciences he calls not for the distortion of their actual content, for this is not science. He calls for them to be garnered to give the Muslim community a sense of direction and purpose.

Further reading
As I promised earlier, I have outlined some reading material which is related to what I have discussed, and also forms much of the source material.

Amin Ahsan Islahi, Tadabbur-e-Qur’an (Urdu), Lahore: Paran Foundation, 1993.

Mustansir Mir, Coherence in the Qur'an: A Study of Islahi's Concept of Nazm in Tadabbur-i-Qur'an, Indianapolis: ABC Publications, 1986.

Mustansir Mir, "Is the Qur'an a shapeless book?", Renaissance, August 1999, Vol 9. No. 8.

Fazlur Rahman, Islam, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1979.

Fazlur Rahman, Islam & Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1984.

Fazlur Rahman, Islamic Methodology in History, Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1995.

Amina Wadud, Qur’an and Women: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective, London: Oxford University Press, 1999.


:: this was posted by thabet at 09:02

Friday, December 06, 2002

 

Eid Mubarak!

I hope all Muslims had a wonderful and blessed Eid ul-Fitr.

salaam `alaykum warahmatullah wabarakatuhu


:: this was posted by thabet at 10:38

 

Towards developing a heremeneutical model of the Qur'an (III)

Part III: The fundamental premise
A natural outcome of this work was that the Qur’an was placed in a concrete setting in history, in which it, first and foremost, addressed a set of people, what might be called the “first addressees”. In other words, all the words in the Qur’an, first and foremost, relate directly to those who were witnessing the revelation. [1] It goes without saying, that the first addressees understood this; after all the Prophet (p) was speaking to them. It is, therefore, up to Muslims of latter times to derive an adequate hermeneutic to determine the true meaning of the Qur’an.

Farahi and then later Islahi [2] derived a concept, that one can regard as being the fundamental premise with which to understand the Qur'an. This understanding is as much a ground breaking concept as the original concept of nazm (coherency) itself. This understanding has the potential to revolutionise Muslim ethics and law, in particular the social and political laws, and allow for improved relations between Muslims themselves, and with non-Muslims. It is described very briefly as follows.

Man, in general, has been granted free-will [3] in which he is allowed to exercise his inherent moral judgment. He will, therefore, be completely accountable for his actions, and more importantly his intentions. He is to recognise the Almighty through his intuition, history and through a study of the Universe, and because man recognises justice is to be followed, then he is to surrender to the Almighty (i.e. come to “Islam”) which is only the pinnacle of justice.

The only exception to this norm is when a Messenger [4] arrives among a people. During the missionary career of the Messenger, God gradually reveals Himself, either through miracles or through the removal of any misunderstanding whatsoever (metaphysical or otherwise) in the people’s minds. This He guarantees because the Messenger will speak plainly and clearly. Because of this clarity, the rewards and punishments for the direct addressees are both immense and also in this world, as well in the Hereafter (the latter being the norm for most of mankind). The mundane (i.e. this-worldly) punishment for polytheists is death, while for monotheists who reject a Messenger it is political subservience. the end of immunity for the Rejecters is marked by the hijrah, or migration. All Messengers have made a migration, after which the ounishment of God has been delivered on the Rejecters. [6]

The punishment takes place either through a natural disaster, or through the hands of the new believers. The latter takes place when the Messenger and his followers can form an organised collective, or a "state". This happened in the case of Muhammad (p), and his followers. After he made hijrah to Yathrib (later renamed Medinah), the Messenger (p) was able to form a state, where he was accepted as the leader of the peoples. The wars were to Muhammad (p), like the floods were to Noah (p). They were not at the behest of Muhammad (p) or his followers, as non-Muslims and Muslims like to think. They were the culmination of the Divine Law.

A look at the history of the Prophets (p), as outlined both in the Qur'an and the Bible, shows that this Divine Law culminating itself in those the Qur'an calls Messengers. According to the Qur'an some examples of Messengers were Noah, Lot, Moses and Jesus (pbut). According to the Bible, the peoples of these Messengers were punished by God Himself, after turning away from their respective Guide. The people of Noah (p) were afflicted with the floods; those of Lot (p) were destroyed in natural calamities; Pharoah was wiped out, and those who worshipped the Golden Calf were slain because they were admist Moses (p); the Israelites were punished for rejecting Jesus (p), by having the Temple of Soloman destroyed by the Romans. Eventually Christianity, a faith which springs from the belief in Jesus (p), gained the upperhand in the State. The Old Testament refers to this law in Deuteronomy 8: 19-20 and the New Testament in Luke 13: 1-4. The case of Moses (p), and his followers is similar to that of Muhammad (p): both were able to establish a "collective" under the leadership of their respective Messenger. Both groups of followers were, therefore, revealed the Law of Jihaad, and both were made "witnesses to the Truth".

Furthermore, the first addressees who formed a nation with the Messenger (like the Israelites with Moses (p) and the Ishmaelites with Muhammad (p)), are entrusted with spreading the Message among new peoples, and God Himself ensures that they will be victorious, as long as they adhere to the Message themselves, and as long as they formed a collective. One must note too, that both the peoples granted this elevated status were the progeny of Abraham (p). The Israelites and the Ishmaelites both received the extension of "witnessing the manifest Truth", but only, as stressted before, in their collective capacity, and only for those who were with the Messenger (p).

This understanding, a fundamental premise for understanding the Qur’an, was further strengthened by the coherency of the Qur’an. Reading from chapter 6, the entire set of chapters bluids up to the culmination of the punishment which is related in chapter 9, regarded as the harshest chapter. In fact it doesn't begin with the custopmary "Bismillah". [7] It is only harsh simply because it is a punishment from God to those people who have rendered themselves unfit for the Mercy of God.

The obviously has the affect of revolutionaising Islamic law. The word Kaafir is usually translated as “disbeliever (in the Islamic faith)”, and it has also come to mean “non-Muslim”. According to this concept, however, the word Kaafir is only correctly applied to “those who reject the Truth even though they knew it to be such”. In other words it applies to those have rejected a Messenger while he was present amongst them. There may well be those who have become Kaafir outside of these Missionary periods, but we do not know them, since we cannot see inside a man’s heart and judge his intentions fully. This makes the abode of declaring someone to eternal damnation, for God alone.

Naturally, the obvious extension to this understanding is that exhortations to fight disbelievers, levy the Jizyah on the "People of the Book" [8], claims to the superiorty of Muslim blood in a court of law, (and many more discussed below) are not applicable to all Muslims of all times, since we today are not assigned with "witnessing the Truth". The seemingly second-class citizenary offered by medieval schools of Islamic law to non-Muslim, therefore, seem unfailingly un-Qur'anic. [9]

How else does this impact Muslim law and ethics? As I have already mentioned the exhotations to fight, which is over and above the much talked about Jihaad, the disbelievers and make "Islam" dominante in the land, ceases to be a command to all Muslims. Is it any wonder that historians and social scientists have given a million and one reasons as to sudden expansion of early Islam from the depths of the deserts of Arabia? It is obvious that the early Muslims realised their duty, and saw it fit to assume political control over the neighbouring regions. From a purely theological point of view, their early victories were victories from God. People flocked ot Islam because the Truth was being made manifest before their very eyes. The nation who had lived through the manifestation with the Prophet (p), was now passing it on to the World.

It becomes clear that for Muslims [10] living today warfare with the sole aim of gaining political control for Islam, does not apply. Warfare becomes a defence mechanism, primarily. In the case of offensive warfare, this too is allowed (apologetically some deny this, but I feel this has no basis, religiously of otherwise), but primarily if another state or group of people call for help, and the Muslim state deems it a worthy cause. [11]

A whole host of laws which have been built up over the years by Muslim jurists now seem to have no basis or are directives which only applied directly to people who were with a Messenger and "witnessed the Truth". An outline of these laws which are very popular in traditional Islamic law include: punishment for apostasy; waging war against non-Muslims; Daru’l-Harb / Daru’l-Islam classification; dhimmi status of non-Muslim minorities; enmity with non-Muslims; eternal damnation for the non-Muslims in the Hereafter; assassination of non-Muslims; the political supremacy of Islam; status of Muslims as the "best" community.

These are just some examples we find in Classical Islamic jurisprudence. Obviously with the understanding that has been proposed by Farahi, Islahi and Ghamidi (and that entire school of thought), Muslim law and ethics takes on a different dimension. And, as far as I know, there exists nothing which says a non-Muslim cannot enjoy basic human rights in a Muslim state, following Islamic Law.

As an aside, a critic of this understanding may say: "Well, Muhammad and his followers didn't show tolerance of of those non-Muslims who fought them and refused to live under them and Islam". My response would be, as follows. The Qur'an clearly evidences that the Prophet (p) was eager to preach his Message to his people. He knew that he was assigned with a task, but he was also informed that he little to no control over the peoples fate. If they accepted his Message, the people would prosper. If they rejected, the Prophet (p) was told that their fates were out of his hands, and he was not worry. God would send His punishment upon the Rejecters. When the punishment did come, it was via the hands of Muhammad (p) and his followers. Furthermore all those killed were the most open and vicious critics and opponents of the Prophet (p), those even more anti-Muhammad (p) than Abu Sufyan, who eventually accepted Islam. So, from the Qur'anic point of view, the Prophet's (p) sole aim was to preach his Message. It was not "his" decision to have this war, or that.

Furthermore, the critic may say that this punishment of God was a concoction of Muhammad (p). Muhammad (p) certainly believed he was a man sent by God on a mission, and even harsh critics of Muhammad (p) have attested to this. He believed all the things he told his followers and his people. It is a case of whether or not a person accepts him, and the Qur'an as such, if indeed the person even believes in God. His contemporaries ultimately did. But, then we are into the realms of theology and discussing questions like "Does God exist?" and "Was Muhammad really a prophet?" and "Is the Qur'an the Book of God?" and so on. Criticisms trying to show Muhammad (p) as an "evil bandit" are then somewhat off-the-mark. Was he ever shown to be morally flawed? Was he shown to be two-timing his people? Can someone point me to a phase where he secretly admitted to fooling people? At most, the critic can say he was deluded, that he was hearing voices. But then again we will come back to the previous theological questions. To an atheist, those who believe in God might seem sincere, but must also seem somewhat delusional (I can attest to this thought process myself, before I became a Muslim). To a Jew or a Christian or a person of any other faith, a Muslim might seem sincere, but also delusional (and vice versa). And then again, we must ask the questions above.

In short, the response to the above-mentioned criticism may be summed up as follows: When the Truth is manifested so clearly that an individual knows what it is, and Who it is from, and yet still turns away and in essence abuses the autonomy granted to him, why should anyone feel sorry for him? Is that Justice? Do we reward a criminal? Or punish somene who does good? From the Qur'anic point of view, put simply, this life is a test, for man to grow and climb the "spiritual ascent". If, however, man fails deliberately to take heed and becomes arrogant (as the history of man shows that he does), then unfailingly the Justice of God will prevail.

At some other time, I'd like to expand on some of the topics I've touched on.

Notes
[1] This might be called the “socio-grammatical-historical” hermeneutic.

[2] This idea was actually expanded in its fullest sense by a student of Islahi, and a contemporary scholar of Islamic law and philosophy, the Pakistani Javed Ahmad Ghamidi, who founded the al-Mawrid Institute of Islamic Sciences. Ghamidi’s students in turn have made these works available in English. See the websites: Understanding Islam, and the Islamic journal, Renaissance, which is a monthly publication, and is also produced online.

[3] This is often a confused term. Though I confess to being somewhat agnostic on this issue, for now, opponents of free-will think it means man has complete control over his environment, and can do as he wills. This is wrong. Muslim proponents (as much as any proponent) of this argument hold that man has complete free-will in his moral judgement, and this will make accountable to God. It has Mu’tazili overtones, which is the term moral autonomy may be better (it is also, in my opnion, gives a superior intuitive explanation.) I would like to, God-willing :-), discuss this sometime in the future.

[5] According to most schools of Islamic theology, there are two types of people who received Divine Guidance: Anbiyaa (singular Nabee) usually translated as Prophet; and Rusul (singular Rasool) translated as Messenger. The usual distinction has been that a Messenger is one who received a Divine text. This understanding differs somewhat.

[6] A fuller explanation of this is outside the scope of this blog, but I do plan on blogging about this in the near future. So please forgive me for jumping to the conclusions of this interpretation.

[7] Each chapter of the Qur'an, bar number 9, starts with the words "Bismillahi-r-rahmaani-r-raheem", meaning "In the Name of God, Most Merciful, Most Kind".

[8] The term for monotheists who have a scripture. Jews and Christians are two obvious examples.

[9] This is obviously judging by "modern" standards. Also, I am not suggesting that Muslims were always preoccupied with subjegating non-Muslims. On the contrary, Islamic history shows that many parts of the Muslim world were very tolerant; ironically more tolerant than parts of the Muslim world today. In fact no society can function if there is no tolerance; and the mere fact that Muslims were acquiring new knowledge meant showing tolerance to non-Muslims (like the Christians and Jews and later Hindus) It is safe to say, however, that de jure, non-Muslims were "below" Muslims.

[10] This does not, of course, remove criticism from non-Muslims on the actions of Muhammad (p) or his followers, or any other Muslims. This does, however, change the way a Muslim is meant to see the world and interact with it.

[11] As with so many other issues, I'd like to blog about the laws regarding warfare at some other date.


:: this was posted by thabet at 10:37

Monday, December 02, 2002

 

Towards developing a hermeneutical model of the Qur'an (II)

PartII: Some short examples
The contextualised approach becomes ever more important when we consider the unified structure of the Qur’an. Evidently, every verse has a place among several verses. Then every set of verses has a place among the chapter. The chapter is then drawn out to have a place in the entire Qur’an. This approach, up till recent times, has completely been disregarded. A couple of examples will suffice to show the difference the context makes to studying the Qur'an.

Consider Qur'an 56: 77-80:

"That (this) is indeed a noble Qur’an, in a Book kept hidden, which none toucheth save the purified, a revelation from the Lord of the Worlds.”

The context of these verses is related to the Arab belief of the time that the soothsayers had control over the Jinn (this-worldly beings made of fire who cannot be seen within the limited spectrum of mans eyesight). The Arabs claimed that the Prophet (p) was one of these soothsayers masquerading as a prophet, and received insights from these jinn. The Qur’an refutes this by saying that the Revelation to him is authentic because (i) it comes from an impeccable source, one which is protected by the Almighty (called the “Mother Book”); and (ii) that it is only sent to him via the “purified”, that is the angel, i.e. it is sent down via an unadulterated medium thus guaranteeing it’s authenticity. Soothsayers, however, usually receive ill-information, often tampered with by evil Jinn.

Muslim jurists, on the other hand, have taken the middle verse “none toucheth save the purified”, and written pages upon pages of legal injunctions that only those who have been ritually cleansed shall touch the Book. What relationship has this verse with the following? This obvious and warranted question seems to go unanswered.

Another example is Qur’an 6: 38:

"We have neglected nothing in the Book…”

This verse is usually supported to show that Islam has a rule for everything. From this Muslims have derived rules, regulations and systems from every verse of the Qur’an (and as a corollary, the life of the Prophet (p)). We have developed a whole catalogue of minutia of doctrines and practices, which seem in stark contradiction to the spiritual message of the Qur'an.

However, when seen in the entire context (taking a verse before and after):

“They say: Why hath no portent been sent down upon him from his Lord? Say: Lo Allah is Able to send down a portent. But most of them know not. There is not an animal in the earth, nor flying creature flying on two wings, but they are peoples unto you. We have neglected nothing in the Book. Then unto their Lord they will be gathered. Those who deny Our revelations are deaf and dumb in darkness Whom Allah will He sendeth astray, and whom He will He placeth on a straight path”

As one can see, the verse cited takes on a whole new meaning. It no longer refers to rules and law. It refers instead to the Arabs asking the Prophet (p) for a sign from God. In reply the Qur'an asks them to look at the animals on the earth and the flying creatures in the sky, and to note that God has left nothing of these signs out of His Glorious Book. Then reminds us that ultimately we shall be brought before God, and those who turn away from God's signs it is as though they are in darkness. For these people only God can help them.

The net result of the traditional approach has been to treat the Qur’an, not like a book which is what it says it is, but like a dictionary. In a dictionary one simply looks up the relevant entry, ignoring the context. Muslim jurists and theologians have similarly dived into the verse that supports their conclusions, and have ignored what it says around that particular verse. This has resulted in a very legalistic approach, where we are constantly looking for some regulation or rule, producing a list of do’s and don’ts. (History shows us that this is one of the reason for the development of Sufism – something I’d like to blog about at a later date.)

In the penultimate part of this series, I should like to explain what Islahi, then his students, explained as the fundamental premise with which the Qur'an is read. This carried on the theme of the unity of the Qur'an, and also a unity of understanding early Muslim history; that is an understanding which considers not only the Qur'an, but the whole of history of Muhammad (p), and because he was a chain of Messengers and Prophets, the entire history of religion. This brought in a coherent study of the Bible, in light of the Qur'an.


:: this was posted by thabet at 21:56

 

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